Sketches on Antagonistic Non-Resolution

The issue at hand is not if the dialectic[1] is universal. Nor is it whether there is in fact a functioning dialectic behind the happenings of the world. Both of these statements are givens: there is a universal dialectic that operates in all worldly, existential, and temporal realities. What is the issue, however, is the skewering of this dialectic into irrelevancy and eventually into debt.

Bourgeois society hasn’t changed: there still is two primary oppositions– that between the ruling capitalist class and the exploited working class[2]. What has changed is resolution. Within the imperialist center there is rapidly dwindling the ability for the dialectic to reach resolution, or synthesis. Bourgeois ideology and hegemony have created an elaborate anti-dialectical system aimed precisely at eradicating the ability for contradiction to be resolved; while normally quantitative change leads to qualitative change this is no longer becoming the case.

As stated shortly ago this is due to an anti-dialectical system, something which ruling class ideologues have slaved over ever since, and even before, the fall of the Berlin Wall. Incorporating ideology, religion, nationalism, and the expanded mass-media social networking apparatus, the goal for this system was to ensure constant turmoil in the subject production process. Every culture, person, gender, sexuality, nationality, race, ethnicity, religion, and age had to be juxtaposed as an accomplice to a million reflections: fashion, the specific sub-set of a religion or political orientation, and even film, music, and video game interest; untold particles demanded to be mashed with another set of untold particles without any ever being split.

The consequence of this vast multiplicity in identity was, in fact, twofold: (1) the cultural arm of the bourgeoisie could allocate resources to new “cultural sectors” in an effort to squash a resurgence in “use-full” identities, those personalities which minimized danger to capital and maximized the ability for a subject to comprehend passed identity politics. (2) No one has a true identity. Instead of a host of divergent “Use-Full” identities there is an ocean of “useless” identities; those consumption-oriented personas[3] promoted to expand capital and its reign. In any cultural sector, be it pop culture, high culture (decadent bourgeois culture), nominal culture (the typical mass culture in a territory defined as a blending of that territory’s various identities), or sub-culture the bourgeoisie has the ability to utilize this non-identity to railroad how the dialectic would naturally lead to a synthesis; however, instead of the decline of capital forcing the decay of identity politics and Useless identities, the opposite has transpired: more emphasis has been channeled into the creation of these false identities because now more than ever it is vital for the capitalist class to maintain hegemony in the post-“end of history” period. The challenge of a communist project cannot be allowed to be legitimated among the working class; Use-Full identities cannot be allowed to take precedence and shatter the multitude of other illusions which lie just beyond the subject creation process. In other words what is seen is an antagonism which never reaches fruition. In all the spheres which the dialectic operates, the cultural managers of capital wage a merciless battle to combat the Use-Full subject producing power of the dialectic with their own Useless based identity project.

Why antagonistic? Because the mode of resolution is external. It is not internal, something which is dependent on the individual themselves. In order to reach synthesis the contradiction (the subject: Use-Full vs. Useless identity) must find passage through the external world which surrounds them. However, as alluded to in the second half of the title, Non-resolution denotes a lack of synthesis; meaning, an empty void of actual resolution. So how can these two concepts share the same idea?

The basic understanding concerns with interpenetration: even when a contradiction fails to reach resolution there passes a moment of conflict. As we know every contradiction possesses two side: a dominant and a non-dominant. In failing to reach resolution one of the two sides of the opposition triumphed over the weaker, non-dominant. However, this lack of a resolution comes from the overwhelming interpenetration that resulted from the great nexus of identities, from these identities being unable to separate themselves from the cultural-state apparatus. This moment of conflict, though ending in disrepair for the non-dominant aspect-the Use-full identity-still retains its social promise, the ability to remerge one day when recovered, albeit in a lessened quality. It does not go away despite the all-engulfing battle; which, when examined, is precisely because it does not fade: the huge proportion of the battle between the dialectic and anti-dialectic in all social spheres maintains the non-dominant side, almost as though the weaker aspect were in a coma. The non-dominant side, after all, is connected, like a limb, to the remaining battle: when healed it reserve the ability to re-enter the conflict; the only issue being the danger of false-starts in re-entering the fray, of connecting once more in a meaningful manner despite being rendered pointless for a long time. So while there was no resolution the concept of resolution still lingers in the air. The violence done to it, the attempt to resolve and reach synthesis, which was dependent on the other branches of the contradiction, therefore constitute the antagonistic quality. The stage which it passed through merely indicated a false start, not a final form.

This is not to say though that the method of resolution merely lies in surmounting the dominant side. While this is true in a technical sense this attitude ignores the additional danger posed to the contradiction, to the dialectic: that of debt, a concept which is that critical stage in the battle where the contradiction faces almost imminent defeat at the proverbial hands of the anti-dialectic, where every assemblage of the contradiction is in the process of being thrown into the coma-like state of inaction.

[1] Italicization here denotes when a term has a specific philosophical meaning. The reader will know when a word means not its usual definition but an exact one rendered through the Marxist dialectic. For a list of definitions and their meanings see Thomas Weston’s “Basic Concepts of Dialectics” on the Marxist Philosophy website.

[2] Here widely defined as everyone who is not a capitalist or a small capitalist.

[3] While it is not limited to merely consumption, for the basic imagining of this idea think of mainstream music. How many bands, groups, and artists have special “clubs” or pseudo-organizations for paying members? Many do while a defining characteristic of both this group, as well as the image which comes to be associated with the idea which the musician(s) promote, is for their “army” members to dress in certain clothes and define a definite social idea; this requires for the person in question to purchase commodities, usually directly from the musician’s website, in order to fulfill this idea. This person, who has built an entire persona around a specific idea bias to capital, has what I define as a “use-less” identity- that persona which is dependent on orders from above, can be renovated and re-directed to fill new needs, and which serves capital while deluding its follows into being separated from the herd when, in fact, they are merely one number among many. An identity built isolated from the class dynamic.


A New Vision

(Comrades at the Kasama Project have posted a new unity document. While this blog will in the coming weeks critique this statement, for now, revolutionary oriented individuals should take notice of this statement as a Regroupment project’s subtle “inching” closer to an actual organization)

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

This vision is not just a dream”

For the revolutionary overthrow of global capitalism and imperialism!


Over a long weekend this Fall, comrades of the Kasama Project from across the country gathered in the US south for anational conference, the first formal national gathering since our founding in 2008. With the goal of consolidating our project and strategizing a path forward for our work in the coming period, we adopted a new Political Unity statement, reflecting the understanding, experience, and unity forged over the half dozen years since our founding.

Over the course of a long pre-conference period and our four days together, comrades discussed our commitment, our work, our priorities, and our values, raising crucial points of criticism and self-criticism. We put special emphasis on continuing our mission of the creative regroupment of revolutionaries, and toward fusing our movement with the most advanced fighters among the people. We discussed how to investigate the state of the class struggle in the United States, and prioritized the importance of working with new generations of young potential revolutionaries.

Six years ago the Kasama Project agreed on this solitary brief statement: Kasama is a communist project that, in theory and practice, fights for the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” And so our new statement, reproduced below, marks a significant new period for us as an organization of committed revolutionaries. It reflects the significant theoretical and ideological growth and unity among us that is the fruit of our work, study and discussion over the past few years.

The road ahead is far from certain. In this nightmare world of capitalist brutality, racism, war, violence against the oppressed, massive police and government spying and repression, and lying, hypocritical politicians skilled at keeping the people in line, the challenges we face are immense. The stakes, as they say, are high.

In the words of Assata Shakur:

It is our duty to fight for our freedom, it is our duty to win. We must love each other and support each other. We have nothing to lose but our chains.”

Walk the revolutionary road with us! Join the Kasama Project!

The Kasama Project Statement of Political Unity

The Kasama Project stands for the revolutionary overthrow of global capitalism and imperialism and the initiation of a socialist transformation leading to the consolidation of a global communist society.

Capitalism and Communism

Global capitalism is unable to solve the most pressing problems confronting humanity and the planet because it is theirfundamental cause. The profit system is fundamentally incompatible with a just, decent, and humane society. A system where the collective wealth of humanity is owned and controlled by the capitalist class cannot but perpetuate the exploitation, oppression, and degradation of the people. Similarly, the deepening ecological crisis that threatens the complex natural systems on which all life on the planet depends can not be resolved so long as it is ruled by the imperative of capital accumulation.

By communism we mean: the abolition of all class distinctions that divide humanity; the abolition of the capitalist relations of production on which those distinctions rest; the abolition of all the other oppressive social relations that mutually reinforce these relations of production; the revolutionary transformation of all the oppressive ideas and values that have arisen from, or are attached to, all of these oppressive social relations; and finally, the abolition of the political instrument of class domination, the state.

When we speak of the abolition of all oppressive social relations we mean an end to all of the terrible ways that people treat each other in this society — the hateful hierarchies of race and nationality; family relations in which children are terrorized and the elderly are made disposable; the routine violence against, and sexual objectification of, women; the ways that the rich variety of forms of sexual expression and identity are alternately crushed or commodified; the imposition of gender norms and the often brutal and sometimes murderous repression of the transgendered refusal of those norms; the arrogance of intellectuals and the ways that those in positions of authority lord it over poor and working people. All of this and so much more about this society is intolerable and has to go.

This vision is not just a dream. For us, communism is not just a possible future but also the real living movement of the oppressed and exploited majority of humanity striving to become aware of its real conditions, and of its power to liberate the world from the death grip of capital. It is present in this society in a thousand ways and we understand our task as essentially one of hastening its development as a conscious and organized force.

Socialist Revolution

The path to communism runs through the process of socialist revolution. We can and must fight in the here and now for reforms and improvements in the lives of the people, both because they have their own urgency and because it is through such struggles that we learn how to fight. We already know, however, that it will take the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist state, and the dispossession of the ruling class that it represents, to seriously address the most urgent problems facing humanity and the planet and to advance towards communism. Fighting explicitly for this understanding is an urgent and critical task.

Communism cannot be achieved overnight. It will necessarily involve a protracted struggle involving false starts, twists and turns, reversals, betrayals and defeats. But it is precisely through this process that the oppressed majority of humanity acquires the capacity to rule. The class and other struggles that characterize this society, however, do not just disappear with the overthrow of the capitalist state, but rather take on new forms during the process of transition that we call socialism.

Imperialism and Internationalism

We are internationalists. The fate of humanity worldwide is now entwined into one whole.( Socialist revolution is a world process of transition through which humanity ultimately realizes its collective potential. We either all get to communism or none of us do.

Lasting liberation requires transcending the current system of unequal and competing nation-states and the borders that enforce that inequality. Similarly, the escalating threat of ecological destruction and climate change cannot be reversed except through progress toward communism on a world scale.

U.S. imperialism is a central pillar of world capitalism. Every single day, it threatens, terrorizes and exploits people all over the world. As communists in the U.S., it is our special historic responsibility to struggle to destroy U.S. imperialism — as our main contribution to the liberation of people all over the world.

The dismantling of the U.S. empire internationally, the destruction of its military bases, the destruction of its international instruments of intrigue and domination like the CIA and NSA, are a necessary condition for the construction of the global human community we aspire to build.

The U.S. and its borders were defined through conquest, genocide and slavery. And the current U.S. today continues to enforce the oppression of many nationalities within those borders. As a key expression of our internationalism, we reject the notion that these U.S. borders are sacred or permanent. We uphold the principle of national self-determination for the oppressed peoples living within its current borders, up to and including the rights of political autonomy and independence.

Investigation and Reconception

Our politics must be grounded in both a concrete analysis of real conditions and a critical analysis of the historical experience of socialist revolutions in the 20th century. We strive to apply the mass line method of communist leadership by going among the people and learning from their struggles both through participation in them and through revolutionary social investigation, distilling their most advanced ideas and seeking to unite all who can be united on the basis of those ideas, and continuously repeating this process in order to transform ourselves and to raise up the revolutionary consciousness of the people.

There is much to learn from the socialist revolutions of the 20th century and from the experiences of earlier generationsof communists in those revolutions. They were heroic attempts to overcome and escape from the accumulated horrors of thousands of years of class rule. They were complex processes in which the oppressed in their millions took the stage ofhistory and accomplished great things. We must be as ruthless in our critical examination of the errors and the crimes that contributed to their ultimate reversal as we are unapologetic in our celebration of their accomplishments.

We study history not to confirm what we already think, but to learn from those who have struggled before us. We also know that every revolutionary wave is new and that each generation must reconceive the communist project in the face of new conditions as well as in the light of previous successes and failures. The need for communist reconception is especially important in view of the failures and defeats suffered by the socialist revolutions of the 20th century. We do not believe that there is a ready-made body of revolutionary communist theory just waiting to be picked up and applied by us. We take seriously the need to develop new theory and new practices in response to new conditions.

Organization, Regroupment, and Strategic Conceptions

The oppressed and exploited majority of humanity cannot win liberation, the communist future cannot be conquered, without revolutionary communist organization. The kinds of organization that we will need will vary depending on the tasks and the time. We draw on the rich and varied organizational experiences of previous generations of revolutionaries but also understand that the forms we develop must answer to the new and radically changed conditions that confront us in the 21st century.

We are committed to building a country-wide and multi-national organization of communist revolutionaries within the U.S. that is both serious and flexible, disciplined and anti-dogmatic, grounded in history and alive to what is new in this world. We do not believe that we are that organization yet or even that we necessarily constitute its nucleus. But we are seeking to help bring it into existence. We seek to regroup scattered revolutionary communist forces, not just the remnants of previous efforts but also, and more importantly, the new ones propelled forward by new struggles, and to forge along with them the organization that we need.

Serve the people, power to the people

We are guided by love for the people. We seek to embody a different way of living, the possibility of a different future. Communists should promote a style and aesthetic of humility, caring, militancy, universalism, a living radicalism, critical thinking, a deep practicality, and a respect for the planet’s life — its people, its many species and its biosphere generally. We should make a movement for total human emancipation seem like the most practical, radical, and loving thing in the world.

Only the people in their millions can make a socialist revolution in the United States. The organization we need will require the fusion of presently scattered conscious revolutionaries with whole sections of the oppressed in a process of mutual transformation to constitute a revolutionary people. We strive to identify the faultlines in this society along which struggles that have the potential to facilitate such a fusion are likely to break out and, as our forces permit, to support and initiate organizing projects to begin that process.

We welcome all who sincerely share our commitments.